• The EU migrant: Britain's sense of place in English newspaper journalism

      Rowinski, Paul (UCL Press, 2020-09-04)
      Abstract. EU migrant is the trope investigated, forming a part of the London-based mainstream national newspaper media’s (MSM) discursive construction of England and its Other: Europe, not just ahead of the EU referendum but also more recently, as Brexit starts to happen.The Leave and Remain campaigns were heavily criticised for confusing the public and impoverishing political debate (Sparrow, 2016). The MSM on both sides of the argument arguably did likewise, in a highly polarised referendum (Deacon, 2016). The pervasiveness of English Euroscepticism (Gifford, 2014, Taggart and Szerbiak, 2004, 2008); how English cultural presuppositions have become embedded in discourse (Heer and Wodak, 2008, Reisigl and Wodak, 2001); and how that is both reflected and magnified in the UK press (Weymouth and Anderson, 1999, Garton-Ash, 2005, Rowinski, 2017) is briefly outlined.These Eurosceptic English MSM discourses are decades old. But their intensity and amplification in our Post-Truth digital age (Curtis, 2016, Solon, 2018) are not. MSM are now competing with other voices in a crowded online marketplace (Kueng, 2017, Harrison, 2017), making a bad situation much worse. It is argued and evidenced that the mainstream media is not just giving a platform for Post-Truth politicians, but constructing plenty of Post-Truth rhetoric of its own. A framing (Entman, 1993, 2010), including the absence of EU migrant voices, before the referendum and critical discourse analysis (Wodak and Reisigl, 2001, Wodak, 2015) will explore a possibly coarser presentation of England and its Other: Europe, as articulated through the trope, EU migrant, in the Post-Truth digitally-instigated media age (Coughlan, 2017, Keyes, 2004, Lewis, 2016, Laybats and Tredinnick, 2016). Patterns in discourse will be sought. So what has EU migrant come to mean? Is it a defiant badge of honour for some mainstream media, and a pejorative term for their rivals or something else again?
    • Euroscepticism in the Berlusconi and Murdoch press

      Rowinski, Paul (Sage, 2014-10-14)
       A comparative analysis of Euroscepticism  explores what it means in two nations and what is then articulated in specific newspapers. The theoretical terrain, Italy’s and Britain’s post-war relationships with the European Union, the countries’ media structures and the specific context of Il Giornale  (owned by Silvio Berlusconi’s family) in Italy and The Times  in the United Kingdom (owned by Rupert Murdoch) are mapped out. Some 21 interviews were conducted with relevant journalists and politicians (including reporters covering Europe for the aforementioned) offering further context. A critical discourse analysis of news stories and commentaries then spans the last decade. Although there is some Euroscepticism  in Il Giornale , it has historically been localised, yet now seems to be growing in intensity. In The Times , however, the Euroscepticism  conveyed is more pervasive and deeper. Its fact-based  news can actually be very persuasive – ironically more akin to the commentary-laden news of Il Giornale  – as the debate looms ahead of the planned 2017 UK referendum on European Union membership.
    • Evolving Euroscepticisms in the British and Italian press: selling the public short

      Rowinski, Paul (Palgrave, 2017-10-23)
      This book argues the discursive construction of the EU in national newspapers is pivotal in creating an environment of Euroscepticism. It will challenge the persuasive, manipulative and prejudicial language, sometimes peddled in the influential UK Murdoch and Italian Berlusconi press. The foci are the key Eurosceptic triggers of the euro; the subsequent national economic crises; and immigration, investigated through major events covered over two decades, including the UK’s recent Brexit vote. The book will explore the national responses to the post-war project; how the EU is understood through the prism of nationhood; and how that has now manifested itself in Euroscepticism in both countries, lastly articulated through  interviews with British and Italian politicians and journalists involved. It will include Euroscepticism’s latest chapter. The increasingly key protagonists of the UK Independence Party and Italy’s Five Star Movement, want to take Britain out of the EU and Italy out of the euro – covered in the Murdoch and Berlusconi press.
    • Mind the gap: the language of prejudice and the press omissions that led a people to the precipice

      Rowinski, Paul (University of Bournemouth, Loughborough University, Political Studies Association., 2016-07-18)
      A pervasive Euroscepticism has now reached its zenith, drawing on a collective memory, borne of the moment we chose to be a good friend of post-war Europe – but not part of it. As the UK eventually joined, unable to influence the project’s direction, we have never fully understood what the pooling of sovereignty nor belonging to the club mean. The projection of Europe in the collective memory, reinforced by seldom articulated facts (by either politicians or press) has resulted in an ‘other’, based less on a grasp of the reality and more a common-sense understanding. Neither the political class nor the mainstream press has ever confronted the cultural presuppositions of a British past never really harnessed to a European future.
    • Post-truth, post-press, post-Europe: Euroscepticism and the crisis of political communication

      Rowinski, Paul (Palgrave, 2020-09-20)
      This book explores whether a beleaguered press in recent years has been developing an emotive, Eurosceptic post-truth rhetoric of its own – competing for attention with populist politicians. These politicians now by-pass the media, talking directly to their publics in blogs, on Twitter and Facebook. In the post-truth age, objective facts are less influential in shaping opinion than appeals to emotion. Audiences congregate around views they share and want to believe. The author presents a critical discourse analysis of the language used by populist politicians online, on Facebook, and subsequently quoted in the press, which highlights how the political rhetoric of Italian and British politicians is often at its most inflammatory around the issue of immigration. The same goes for the press. The Italian case study focuses on media coverage of the 2014 and 2019 European elections and 2018 general election. The British case study examines press reporting of the 2016 UK referendum on EU membership, the 2017 general election, and the September 2019 parliamentary debate immediately following the UK Supreme Court ruling that proroguing of Parliament was illegal. From the picture that emerges, the author argues that journalists need to change how they report, to challenge the post-truthers, holding them to account and pressing them on the facts while also harnessing the emotions of disaffected publics.